‘Pakistan Idol’ in dark times

WATCHING the long-awaited finale of Pakistan Idol was a refreshing break from the country’s ongoing political turmoil and escalating regional tensions. It was a fascinating contest between half a dozen exceptionally talented young amateur artists from across Pakistan, selected from hundreds of contestants — many from the remotest corners — who had competed for nearly a year. I was completely hooked, and followed every episode on television.

What struck me most was the raw talent of these young performers — especially the girls from small towns, fiercely determined to prove themselves on the national stage. Hira Qaisar took the title of Pakistan Idol. A mother of three from Faisalabad who has never had any formal music training, she held the judges and audience spellbound with her mastery of both classical and popular singing. Hira was certainly exceptional; stars like her are born every season.

That brilliance is in stark contrast to the hopelessness and frustration that young people feel today. With few opportunities and rising unemployment, they are leaving the country — many by illegal means, risking their lives in the hope of a better future. Hundreds die on the way and still they keep trying. It is hard to imagine a worse outlook for a nation where roughly 64 per cent of the population is under 30.

Around four million people are added to the population every year, while 25m children are out of school, one of the highest numbers globally. Even among those enrolled, many can hardly read or write. The country is producing an ever-larger pool of undereducated, unskilled citizens. Youth unemployment is far higher than the national average.

Pakistan is facing a severe youth crisis, and events like Pakistan Idol offer only a fleeting moment of pride. A youth bulge is a huge source of talent, but only if provided with education, jobs and a functioning state. Right now, it doesn’t have these. The system has failed to address the critical issues driving this crisis, and inaction has eroded young people’s belief that state institutions can deliver for them.

We face a youth crisis of such severity that events like ‘Pakistan Idol’ are just a fleeting spark.

Most disturbing of all is the collapse of the rule of law and the denial of basic democratic rights. An elite-dominated, extractive political system remains unresponsive to ordinary people, and the result is growing cynicism and radicalisation across society. What is unfolding in Balochistan, KP and Azad Kashmir is nothing less than a revolt of the youth against a repressive order and denial of basic democratic rights.

The response of the state, which has relied on coercive force, has only aggravated the situation. Public discontent is growing, and it is tangible across the rest of the country as authoritarianism tightens its grip. New laws recently passed by parliament have further concentrated power in the hands of a single individual — ostensibly boosting the hybrid system. Yet such actions only render the system more vulnerable to implosion rather than strengthen it. It is a lesson of history we refuse to learn.

Last week, we witnessed the blatant defiance of Supreme Court instructions that the imprisoned former prime minister Imran Khan be admitted to a private hospital for a full medical checkup. Khan was taken to a government hospital, not the one ordered by the court. While this defiance is read as a sign of hubris, it also exposes the fault lines within the hybrid system.

A government of questionable legitimacy appears so afraid of popular backlash that it will not even allow the former prime minister to be admitted to a hospital for a medical checkup. There is also the question of whose decision it was to ignore the court order. The issue of Khan’s hospital transfer has now become a major flashpoint between the government and the opposition. In fact, it has divided the government itself.

This is now a test for the Supreme Court, whose own independence has been drastically curtailed. In the past, prime ministers have been removed for defying the court’s orders. Can history be repeated? Many doubt it will be, given that the independence of the judiciary has already been compromised. But the incident has heightened political tensions in the country, and those who had bet on the fall of the government by the end of the year are now willing to raise the stakes. Given the historical unpredictability of Pakistani politics, one must not rule out any possibility, however far-fetched it may sound at the moment.

Pakistan’s role in the emerging defence architecture of West Asia, defined by the newly signed trilateral Makkah Joint Defence Pact, has certainly raised the country’s regional profile. But Islamabad’s ambition to become a net security provider carries the risk of overstretching its military. It also risks being drawn into a wider conflict, given the escalating tensions driven by America’s unending war on Iran. Pakistan has managed its balancing act well so far, but it could flip as President Donald Trump declares an economic war on Iran. There is also the question of whether a fragile economy can bear the burden of overextended defence commitments.

America’s latest economic war on Iran could draw China into the conflict too. Beijing has warned that it would safeguard its interests after Washington laid out plans for Iran’s “economic strangulation”. The statement came after the Trump administration threatened to impose penalties on countries, including China, if they breached the embargo.

China is Iran’s biggest trading partner and has repeatedly stated that it firmly opposes illegal unilateral sanctions. “China will take all necessary measures to firmly safeguard its own rights and interests,” the country’s foreign ministry asserted in a statement. Any confrontation between the two superpowers could endanger Pakistan’s delicate balancing act, given Islamabad’s close ties with both.

Considering its political and economic instability, Pakistan can hardly afford to become part of a conflict that can damage its national security. It is high time the hybrid rulers defused political tensions, rather than fuelled them, by pursuing a policy of vengeance. There is also a need to focus on the real issues that confront the country. Authoritarian measures have only increased the vulnerability of the existing political order.

The writer is an author and journalist.

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X: *@hidhussain*

Published in Dawn, August 26th, 2026